William Henry Harrison’s Mansion is Full of Surprises

Good old William Henry Harrison. If he’s remembered at all, it’s as the guy who was president for just a month before he died. But Harrison had a much larger effect on US history as governor of Indiana Territory than he did as president, and his territorial mansion is still standing in Vincennes, Indiana, open to the public. That mansion is known by the rather unappealing name of Grouseland (grouse is apparently a type of bird). The mansion is full of both prestigious historical artifacts and oddball art. It’s a frontier outpost that resembles an aristocratic Virginia plantation but has a bullet hole in the shutters and a lookout hatch on the roof. 

I completely lucked into finding Harrison’s mansion on a road trip through Indiana, because Harrison was all over the place. He was born in Virginia, died in DC, and was buried in Ohio, yet his museum is in Indiana. He’d be a hard man to track down, that’s for sure.  

The Harrison connection is one of the few claims to fame for the small town of Vincennes, so I spotted something truly incredible right away: a mail van with William Henry Harrison’s portrait on it. Where else are you going to see that?

A university mail van with William Henry Harrison on it?

Early 1800s Decorating + The Fortress Mansion of Grouseland

The first thing that struck me about Grouseland was that its exterior is easier on the eyes than its interior. The house recently had a multi-million dollar renovation, which involved decorating the interior with period-appropriate wallpaper and carpeting. Everyone on our tour agreed that it wasn’t what we would choose for our own homes, but red and green striped carpet must have been all the rage in 1806.

Grouseland looks like a plantation home but was almost like a fortress.

Another weird thing about Grouseland is that it doubled as a fortress. There are bars on the windows in the basement that are just wide enough to aim a rifle through. There’s also a door in the attic that used to open to the roof, which served as a lookout post. The door is still there on the inside, but the new roof doesn’t allow for it to open. 

It’s a reminder that although this aristocrat from Virginia wanted a stately home, he had to be on guard in what was then the wild frontier. Harrison even let the townspeople of Vincennes stay at his mansion if they ever felt threatened by weather, Indian attack, or just needed a place to stay. Soldiers recuperated there, townspeople and orphans sheltered there, and Lewis and Clark even stopped by on their way home from exploring the Louisiana Purchase. Harrison was not just governor of Indiana Territory but also briefly the administrator of the vast Louisiana Purchase, meaning Lewis and Clark would have been just as eager to update Governor Harrison as they would President Jefferson. 

What Did Our First “Old Man” President Really Look Like?

My favorite part of Grouseland was its collection of paintings and portraits. Some of them are famous, like this original painting of a young Harrison that I’ve seen in quite a few books and articles. The tour guide referred to it as “probably the most valuable thing in the whole house.” It used to show him in civilian clothes but was repainted after the Battle of Tippecanoe and War of 1812 to capitalize on Harrison’s fame as a soldier. How vain!

A young Harrison painted by Rembrandt Peale, early 1800s. This is the famous painting in the cover image, but this one is the original, still hanging on the wall in Harrison’s territorial residence.

He looks very young in that painting, and all the others from this era, and it’s shocking just how early he gained power. He was in his twenties when he became governor and was still in his thirties at the Battle of Tippecanoe. He would have to wait decades for his shot to become president, by which point he was nearly 70. 

Harrison as a much older man, seen in the entrance hall of the mansion.

Because Harrison was our very first “old man” president, I was particularly interested in the above portrait of Harrison showing him noticeably older than all the others, even the ones from the 1840s. My suspicion is that some of his later portraits are touched up a bit, or at least de-emphasize his age somewhat. This is more like what I’d imagine a 68 year old to look like in this era, and Harrison was old even by presidential standards: the preceding eight presidents had all been 57-61 at the start of their terms. His opponents called him Old Granny. 

The tour guide couldn’t remember who made this image, but said it must have been one of his final sittings and that it was a copy of an original that still existed. As far as my research could find, it seems to be a copy of this one from the Indiana Historical Society, which is almost identical. It may be the original that the guide was referring to. 

William Henry Harrison is the final president we don’t have a photograph of. There is a famous painting of him that looks extremely realistic and was photographed using the Daguerreotype method, which is often mistaken for an actual photo of Harrison. It’s not. It’s a photo of a painting

There are tons of paintings of Harrison, so we have a pretty good idea of what he looked like in real life, but each one has so many small variances that it left me wondering what the guy would have looked like in a photo. My wife noticed that his nose looks different in his famous war uniform painting, and it’s true – a slight bump on the bridge of his nose is gone, but it’s visible in other paintings. 

And check out these two of young Harrison. One looks like Harrison and the other looks like he’s got some kind of “handsome” filter on. Artists sometimes took a lot of liberties with these things. 

Harrison wasn’t a bad looking guy, but whoever made the one on the right evidently thought he could use some hair dye and a better jawline.

But as for what Harrison actually looked like as president? Most of his portraits as an old man look pretty similar, but I suspect the very best representation is the obscure portrait that shows him looking extra old. Whoever made it was not trying to be flattering by putting him in a uniform, changing the shape of his jaw or nose, or anything silly like that.

This was our first “old” chief executive, after all. A 68 year old president was really pushing it in 1841, and Harrison died just a month later. America wouldn’t dare to elect someone that old for another 140 years, when Reagan barely surpassed him at 69. These days, it seems like every president is older than the last, but back in his day, Harrison was the old one.

Artwork of Dubious Quality

A few of the portraits at Grouseland are, um, less professional looking. I don’t know anything about art or art history, so I’m not sure what you’d call these. Vernacular art? Early forms of outsider art? Maybe just amateur art? All I know is they made me smile.

This one is of Harrison in his glory days as a military hero and is a bit less impressive than the one above the mantle – not that I’d be able to do any better.

This rosy-cheeked fellow is apparently also William Henry Harrison, but I personally don’t see the resemblance. 

Finally, this guy is Francis Vigo. “You can see how handsome he wasn’t,” our tour guide quipped. Do I see a little resemblance to that botched fresco restoration from Spain?

But come on, he couldn’t have really looked like that. An amateur artist did him dirty, right? Well…actually, that painter got closer to the truth than I realized. Here’s a more skilled portrait of the same man.

I still think the one at Grouseland looks like the botched Jesus fresco, though.

Which Presidents had the Best and Worst Handwriting?

The most surprising thing about Grouseland is that they have authentic signatures of every president except the most recent two. A few impressions:

Millard Fillmore had excellent penmanship, which is unexpected, because he had to teach himself to read and had very little formal education. His teacher (and eventual wife) Abigail Powers got him caught up, and he would value education for the rest of his life. He and Abigail started the first White House library, and he once refused an honorary degree because he couldn’t read the Latin on it. What an absolute boss.  

On the other hand, some of the most educated presidents, like Harrison, had unremarkable handwriting. 

Young Harrison’s handwriting, 1794. I can’t make out all of it, but it’s something about one tribe giving rations of flour and meat to another.

Ronald Reagan’s example was from the late 1980s and reminded me of the cramped, spidery handwriting of my paternal grandfather, who had Parkinson’s. It was very shaky. 

Franklin Pierce’s looks like he just tried to get it over with as quickly as possible. 

Zachary Taylor had a surprisingly nice signature. Old Rough and Ready often looked like he’d just rolled out of bed and was infamous for wearing wrinkled outfits and forgetting to comb his hair. He also had so little interest in politics that he never voted, not even for himself. I was surprised to see such a careful signature! 

Some Dirty Secrets: Harrison Gets Censored 

There were generous things about Harrison, like offering his home as shelter and founding Vincennes University. He was a longtime friend of Underground Railroad conductor George DeBaptiste, a free black man who became White House steward during Harrison’s brief presidency, although it’s unclear if Harrison knew about DeBaptiste’s work on the Railroad. However, Harrison had a darker side that the tour barely acknowledged. His role in getting chiefs to sign over their land rights was mentioned, but with an important detail left out: he would get them drunk first. 

A scheming letter from Jefferson to Harrison also gleefully advises that it’s easier to deal with prominent Indians after getting them into debt. Harrison wasn’t a saint. His job was to grab as much land as possible by any means necessary, and he was good at it.

I also found it strange that there was no mention of Harrison being a slave owner who advocated for slavery’s expansion into the Indiana Territory. He was also known to sneak his slaves into free Indiana as “servants” who never gained their freedom. The guides are probably instructed to leave all this alone unless someone specifically asks about it, but that creates a vicious cycle: visitors won’t ask about it because they don’t know about it, and they won’t know about it if the tour doesn’t bring it up. It doesn’t mean we have to be proud of it. 

(But wait, there’s more! Today, you get a super secret bonus scandal: Harrison reputedly had a bunch of children with one of his slaves. However, it hasn’t been proven that Harrison had a secret family, and we’ll have to see if genetic testing settles the matter some day. It’s reasonable for the tour to leave this out until it can be conclusively proven.) 

Even when asked directly about some of these unsavory details, the guides might not give you a straight answer. For example, another visitor asked about Harrison’s slaves and was sidestepped with an anecdote about an instance when he refused one.

I mean, what’s the point of covering this up? You’re not going to ruin the great name of WHH, who has almost no reputation whatsoever. He is barely known to the general public except for dying faster than any other president. You’ll still be able to sell socks with his face on them.  

Grouseland: Worth the Stop?

If you’re a hardcore history buff about the presidency or the American frontier, I would absolutely recommend stopping if you’re in the area. You’ll be treated to a ton of historical artifacts, a ridiculously large collection of presidential signatures, and an interesting, but unfortunately censored, view into Harrison’s world. 

You thought I was kidding about the socks?

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The Rock Formations of Kansas

Kansas’ Image Problem

If you ask someone to describe Kansas in a single word, they’ll probably say “flat.” Anyone who’s driven along I-70 in western Kansas can vouch for that, and media hasn’t helped the perception. In The Wizard of Oz, Kansas is so flat and bland that it’s shown in black and white (okay, sepia, but still). Courage the Cowardly Dog depicts Kansas as a barren, moon-like high desert. Even our state high point, Mt. Sunflower (elev. 4,000 ft.), has neither a mountain nor sunflowers. It’s just a field in the high plains.

Even science has piled on to boring, flat Kansas. A 2003 tongue-in-cheek study determined that Kansas really is flatter than a pancake. The study actually tells us more about pancake geography than real geography, though. The entire world is flatter than a pancake, and Kansas isn’t the flattest state (it’s Florida, for the record, with Kansas finishing in a distant 7th place). Check out this video (10:28-13:05) by Vsauce, aka native Kansan Michael Stevens, for a better explanation.

However, Kansas is likely stuck with its reputation for flatness. That said, the state is full of hidden badlands, rock formations, and other interesting features. I do not say “hidden” to sensationalize this or turn it into clickbait. These places really are off the beaten path. But as a Kansan, I can safely say that all of them have surprised me, and if you’re in the area, they’re worth a look.

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The Badlands

Little Jerusalem Badlands

Along the Smoky Hill River, there are numerous clusters of badlands that look like miniature versions of the ones in the Dakotas. The three main sites are in western Kansas, south of I-70. While none of them are particularly hard to get to, they are isolated. All three of the following badlands require driving on gravel and/or dirt roads, some of which are little more than ruts in the ground. However, I was able to do all of them safely in a front wheel drive sedan. I just wouldn’t go after it’s rained.

My favorite is Little Jerusalem Badlands State Park, located just off Highway 83 in Logan County. This is the easiest of the badlands to get to, with only the last stretch being gravel (the gravel here was extra deep when I went, though, and is a bit like driving on snow). Little Jerusalem is also the only group of badlands to be a state park, and it’s got some well maintained trails and a public restroom.

A canyon in Little Jerusalem

It’s owned by the Nature Conservancy and is one of the most extensive areas of badlands in Kansas. Some of the rock formations are over 100 feet tall, and they make a striking appearance amid the expansive, treeless prairie beyond. Keep an eye out for beautiful, deep red rocks in the distance. I also loved the desert-like foliage. Yucca plants are absolutely everywhere, and if you look closely, you might spot a cactus or two.

Little Jerusalem from a distance. Note the red rocks far on the horizon. There are many more outcroppings in this area that are not open to the public.

Definitely bring a hat and sunscreen in the summer, as it can get extremely hot and there’s no shade whatsoever. Also keep in mind that you cannot go into the badlands without a guided tour from a park ranger, which has to be scheduled in advance. But even if you just stick to the public trails along the rim, you’ll get an amazing view. The entrance fee is $5.

The Castle Rock Badlands were my biggest surprise. I was familiar with Castle Rock itself, which is a formation standing all by itself, but I was shocked to learn that there is an entire section of badlands behind it. If you make it to Castle Rock, I highly recommend going up to and beyond the bluffs to explore the badlands. I just cannot believe that I went my whole life thinking Castle Rock was just one rock. No one ever talks about the badlands right next to it, which are way more interesting.

In the badlands beyond Castle Rock

Castle Rock and its badlands are on a private cattle ranch, but the owner allows access to the site. Please be respectful and leave nothing behind! Also, watch out for cattle droppings – again, this is someone’s ranch, and they have graciously allowed outsiders to explore the badlands on it. I found this site to be the most challenging in terms of driving, as roads inside the ranch have very deep ruts. It’s also unclear which way you’re supposed to go once you enter the ranch. Go left at the fork to get to Castle Rock and the badlands.

More badlands beyond Castle Rock
More Castle Rock Badlands formations
Castle Rock itself, with car for scale (the badlands were behind me).

Arguably the most photogenic badlands in Kansas are the Monument Rocks, also called the Chalk Pyramids. This site covers a smaller area than Little Jerusalem and the Castle Rock Badlands, so there isn’t much to do besides walk around them, but they are gorgeous. They’re most famous for the arch, and there’s also a keyhole in one of the walls. Monument Rocks are also home to cliff swallows and their distinctive nests. The only other place I’ve seen these birds is Badlands National Park. Anyway, like Castle Rock, this is a private ranch, so be respectful and watch out for cattle and their droppings (when I visited, though, I did not see either). This isn’t a park, but there is a small informational sign on site.

The arch at Monument Rocks, with me for scale
The “keyhole” feature can be seen in the upper left part of this formation
Monument Rocks
Cliff swallow nests under the Monument Rocks arch. The only other place I’ve seen these birds and their nests is in Badlands National Park, SD.

Other Interesting Sites

In south central Kansas, the terrain begins to look more like Oklahoma or New Mexico, home to a vast area of mesas and bluffs known as the Red Hills or the Gypsum Hills. These mesas are Oklahoma-red, although if it’s rained a lot, some of them will be green. I was expecting this to be small and isolated like the previous sites, but these mesas, bluffs, and canyons went on for around 20 minutes of driving. Every time I thought we were through them, the next hill revealed more. If you have to take the drive through southern or southwestern Kansas, it’s worth it to take the detour through Barber County along Gypsum Hills Scenic Byway. It’ll add a few minutes to your trip, but it might be the last interesting thing you see before you get to New Mexico.

The Gypsum Hills, aka Red Hills
The Red Hills looking a bit more red
The Gypsum Hills go on for several miles. Since I was driving, I didn’t get photos of most of them. These photos are all from the very first cluster in the east, where I pulled over.

Wilson Lake State Park is closer to the center of Kansas, north of I-70, and has some interesting rock formations. The surrounding area is very hilly, and it reminded me of the Flint Hills. Like the Flint Hills, though, photos don’t really capture it. It looks much better in person. Anyway, the state park has a path called the Rocktown Trail, which is home to a few deep red formations along the lake.

Deep red formations at the end of the Rocktown Trail in Wilson State Park
Wilson Lake
Wilson Lake
Wilson Lake
The Rocktown formations seen from halfway up a nearby hill

In the extreme southeastern part of the state, Schermerhorn Cave is one of the only Ozarks sites in Kansas. For just a few miles, southeast Kansas becomes very hilly and heavily forested just like southwestern Missouri, complete with its own cave system. You can’t explore Schermerhorn Cave, though – the entrance is blocked to protect some rare cave species that can’t be found anywhere else in the state. So basically you just walk up, look inside, and walk back. Still, it’s interesting that the Ozarks – hills, caves, and all – spill into Kansas. It was a decent place to stretch my legs while I was traveling back north to KC from Arkansas.

Schermerhorn Cave with the entrance blocked off

Sites I Haven’t Been to Yet

I really want to get to Smokey Valley Ranch, which has more red rocks, badlands, and trails, along with some historic sites. It’s not far from the other badlands. While I was in this general area, though, I saw many other outcroppings and formations along the side of the road and along the horizon. How many more Kansas badlands are out there on private land? Judging by Google Maps, a lot! Time will tell if these sites become available for the public to visit too. I also haven’t yet visited nearby Lake Scott State Park, which has some steep bluffs and the only pueblo ruins in Kansas.

Some exposed red rocks near Monument Rocks. There are outcroppings like this all over the area.

Mushroom Rock State Park is home to some weird, toadstool-like rocks, although I have to admit this one doesn’t do much for me. The Arikaree Breaks in extreme northwestern Kansas is a small but photogenic network of badlands and canyons, and I’d love to go, but I just can’t think of a time I’d be heading that direction. Likewise, I’m not sure when I’ll be near Point of Rocks in extreme southwest Kansas. Last time I went through the area, I didn’t know it existed. I’m not sure what to make of Point of Rocks anyway, because in some pictures it looks stunning, but in others it doesn’t look like much. Maybe it’s the sort of place you have to see in person.

Recommendations and Conclusion

I highly recommend all three badlands sites (Little Jerusalem, Castle Rock, and Monument Rocks). While they’re not nearly as impressive as Badlands National Park, they’re pretty cool for Kansas. Likewise, I strongly recommend taking the drive along Gypsum Hills Scenic Byway if you’re in the area. Other sites may or may not be worth the detour, depending on your interests, but they’re out there if you want to see them. After all, Kansas is only boring if you let it be.

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Gypsum Hills

The Many Deaths of Swein Forkbeard

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Swein Forkbeard, one of the most notable figures of Scandinavian history, had a long and storied career. He overthrew his father, Harald Bluetooth, to become king of Denmark in the mid-980s, raided throughout the British Isles in the 990s and 1000s, and focused his attention on England in particular in the 1010s. After a whirlwind campaign in 1013, Swein was recognized as “full king” of the English, in the words of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, supplanting the ancient West Saxon dynasty and its incumbent king, Æthelred II.

But Swein’s reign was to last mere weeks. Swein died on February 3rd, 1014. His death is more than just a date, though: in a literary sense, Swein died many deaths, recounted by varying sources in vastly different ways. Accounts of his demise range from an old man dying in his bed to supernatural intervention by a vengeful saint.

An early and straightforward account comes from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. It is the ASC that tells us Swein died on February 3rd, 1014. Other than adding that this was a “happy event,” no other details are provided. This terseness can be interpreted in different ways. On one hand, it is probably important that such an early source says nothing of divine intervention or assassination. On the other hand, the ASC is known for its short, blunt annals, and it can be dangerous to argue from its silence.

Another account also portrays Swein’s death as unremarkable. According to the Heimskringla, a later medieval Scandinavian source, Swein died at night in his bed. Although late, perhaps the Heimskringla is accurate in its depiction of the fifty-something year old conqueror dying in his sleep without warning.

A more specific account comes from the Encomium Emmae Reginae. Although it is a relatively early source, from the 1040s, it is a minefield due to its political agenda. The Encomium portrays Swein’s demise as less sudden, presenting him as aware of his impending death and managing to lecture his son and eventual successor, Cnut, on the importance of Christian rulership before passing away – an ideal, even sanitized, death. The Encomium’s overtly religious and sterile account can be explained by the document’s purpose. It was written in honor of Queen Emma of Normandy, Cnut’s second wife. Unsurprisingly, its author went to great lengths to ensure that Cnut, Emma, and their royal family were portrayed in the best light possible – as pious, righteous rulers who succeeded to England not only because of their military might, but also because they were favored by God. Although some medieval writers like Adam of Bremen and Thietmar of Merseburg preferred to depict Swein as a mindless pagan barbarian, there is little doubt that Swein, as the son of a triumphant Christianizing king, was also Christian. In that sense, although it is propaganda, the Encomium may not be as far off base as it seems.

Regarding Swein’s death in particular, Thietmar writes that Swein was an old man: “death came to him very late…he was buried in the place where he died, as his companions fled.” Thietmar records that after Swein’s death and burial, an unnamed Englishwoman had Swein disinterred and returned to Denmark so that the old king Æthelred, triumphantly returning from exile, would not be able to desecrate the corpse. The Encomium includes a similar tale. The identity of this woman is a mystery, although it is possible that she is Ælfgifu of Northampton, Cnut’s first wife, who would have been one of the few individuals with the connections to relocate Swein’s body to Denmark while still meeting Thietmar’s criteria of being English. Disinterment stories aside, Thietmar’s acknowledgment of Swein’s advanced age for the era could lend some credence to the Heimskringla’s assertion that he died in his bed, and to the ASC’s straightforward and drama-free account. Another factor in Thietmar’s favor is that he was writing very early, just a few years after the events he describes. But far more fanciful stories were circulating by the end of the eleventh century, often involving divine intervention.

In the 1080s, Osbern of Canterbury wrote that Swein was killed by God in a “terrible” but unspecified way. Herman the Archdeacon, writing around the 1090s, claims that Swein was killed by the spirit of St. Edmund, a ninth century king of East Anglia who had been martyred by vikings. According to this legend, St. Edmund appeared to Swein and pierced him with a lance. This was divine punishment for Swein’s heavy taxation of the English, although Eleanor Parker has pointed out that the story also works as an allegory for oppressive taxation in Herman’s time. In the 1100s, John of Worcester recorded a variation of the St. Edmund tale that involved Swein falling from his horse:

He was surrounded by Danish troops crowded together, he alone saw St Edmund, armed, coming towards him. When he had seen him, he was terrified and began to shout very noisily, saying “Help, fellow-warriors, help! St Edmund is coming to kill me!” And while he was saying this he was run through fiercely by the saint with a spear, and fell from the stallion on which he sat, and, tormented with great pain until twilight, he ended his life with a wretched death on 3 February.

Modern interpretations of Swein’s death have been almost as imaginative. A 2013 BBC article includes an interview with a local historian of Gainsborough who speculates that Swein may have been assassinated by someone close to him. “Sweyn was ruthless and a lot of questions remain about who he may have upset at the time – was there someone within his court ready to stick the knife in?” It’s a headline-grabbing theory, but one not mentioned by medieval sources.

Whichever view one subscribes to, the aftermath of Swein’s death is well established. His son Cnut was unable to claim his father’s throne immediately, even though the viking fleet in Lindsey declared for him and was preparing to support him in further campaigns. Æthelred had returned from exile and was invited to resume his rule, as long as he behaved less harshly this time. Æthelred agreed and led an army at full force to Lindsey, where he expelled Cnut. Cnut returned in 1015, but it took another year of bloody fighting and the deaths of Æthelred and his heir, Edmund Ironside, to secure the Danish conquest of England. Cnut and his sons would go on to rule England from 1016-1042.

Cover image from The Life of St. Edward the Confessor.

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A Son of King Harold I? The Case of “Alboynus Son of King Heroldus”

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The House of Denmark ended prematurely in England following the short reigns of Cnut’s sons, Harold I Harefoot and Harthacnut. Both died in their early 20s. Neither one married, nor did they have any children, which allowed the kingship to revert to the previous dynasty. At least, that’s how the history of the House of Denmark is usually summarized.

However, a largely overlooked 1913 article by W. H. Stevenson in English Historical Review 28 adds an interesting wrinkle to the end of the Danish dynasty in England. Stevenson noted the existence of an “Alboynus” who was the “son of Heroldus, king of England” under the years 1060 and 1062 in the medieval cartulary of an abbey in Conques, France. Alboynus, Stevenson writes, corresponds to the English name Ælfwine, and the source adds that his mother’s name was Alveva – a form of Ælfgifu, another English name. Just as striking, Alboynus/Ælfwine is said to have been born in London. Why is an obscure Englishman in southern France being described as the son of an English king?

The document is written in “a very early twelfth century hand,” according to Stevenson’s article, meaning it is only a couple generations away from Ælfwine’s supposed appearances in 1060 and 1062. To my knowledge, no one has argued that the cartulary itself is suspicious, but there have been plenty of candidates for the “King Heroldus” mentioned in the text. Stevenson argues that Harold Harefoot (reigned 1035-1040) is the best candidate for the English king Heroldus who is said to be Ælfwine’s father. But can we really be so sure?

Harold Harefoot: Scarce Source Material

No other source mentions children of Harold Harefoot, nor do they mention a wife named Ælfgifu, although Harold Harefoot’s reign is poorly documented in general. Aside from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’s entries from 1035-40 and the near-contemporary Encomium Emmae Reginae (c. early 1040s), there is not much to work with. Normally the witness lists of charters and diplomas can provide insight about a king’s family life, such as by identifying any royal wives and children, but nothing with this information has survived from Harold’s reign.

However, a bishop’s will from the era does provide a hint about the family of Harold Harefoot. The will bequeaths money to a “royal lord” and “my lady.” The “royal lord” is generally assumed to be Harold Harefoot, but “my lady” remains a mystery. Was this an otherwise unknown royal wife who was prominent enough to be known solely as “my lady” during Harold Harefoot’s brief reign?

I think it’s possible. The will is dated to 1038 at the latest, potentially three years into Harold’s rule. This could have been long enough to make a royal wife well known to those in the king’s circle (such as powerful landowners or ecclesiastics). That said, Harold’s influential mother, Ælfgifu of Northampton, is more commonly put forward as a candidate for being “my lady.” Ælfgifu of Northampton was instrumental in securing Harold’s spot on the throne, although Frank Stenton’s famous assertion that she was the “power behind the throne” is far too strong. No unambiguous record of her exists after Harold formally becomes king in 1037. So, while she may be the “my lady” associated with Harold, it’s also possible that Harold was married and that the bishop’s will is the only record we have left of this wife nearly a thousand years later.

Well…almost the only record. If the cartulary from Conques, France is correct, and Harold Harefoot is the “Heroldus” in question, then we can assign this royal wife a name: Ælfgifu. The cartulary may be conflating Ælfwine’s mother Ælfgifu with his more famous grandmother, the aforementioned Ælfgifu of Northampton, although I don’t think this is a given. Royal wives consistently had the name Ælfgifu in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, so much so that historians have sometimes considered it almost a title. For example, Æthelred II (reigned 978-1016) had two wives with that name and so did Cnut (reigned 1016-1035). In at least one case, it was not the wife’s given name; Emma of Normandy, the second wife of both Æthelred and Cnut, adopted it or possibly was assigned it. In this context, would it be too surprising for a spouse of Harold Harefoot to take on the name, perhaps in honor of Ælfgifu of Northampton? I don’t think it’s too far-fetched.

Harold Harefoot vs. Harold Godwinson

So Ælfgifu is the name of Ælfwine’s mother according to the cartulary, but what about his father? How is Stevenson sure that Harold Harefoot is the most likely candidate for being Ælfwine’s father? He notes that some scholars at the time considered Harold II (better known as Harold Godwinson) to be the Harold in question, while others even considered Harald the brother of Cnut to be a possibility.

Stevenson dismissed Harold Godwinson’s candidacy for being “King Heroldus” in two brief sentences: “all that can be said in favour of this is that it is chronologically possible. In 1060 or 1062 Harold, king of England, could only mean Harold Harefoot.” I wish Stevenson had expanded on this. For some reason he treated Harald of Denmark, Cnut’s brother, as a candidate who needed a more thorough debunking. No scribe could reasonably list Harald of Denmark as an English king – but, with hindsight, they certainly could describe Harold Godwinson that way.

Stevenson’s assumption seems to be that the scribe was copying down information preserved intact from 1060 or 1062. Speaking literally, yes, in 1060 or 1062, there had only been one king of England named Harold: Harold Harefoot. But I’m not so sure that the information could have passed from 1060-62 to the scribe’s day completely unblemished by hindsight. If the scribe were writing in the early 1100s, for example, it would be surprising not to refer to Harold Godwinson as a king.

Are there any good reasons to favor one Harold over another at this point? Actually, I think so. There are two factors that make me think Harold Harefoot is the better candidate.

The first is that we know the names of at least two partners and six children of Harold Godwinson, yet there are no matches for Ælfgifu or Ælfwine. This does not mean that Harold Godwinson could not have had a son with someone by a different name, but it would be an outlier. Godwinson did have a sister named Ælfgifu, about whom virtually nothing is known, but she can be ruled out as the Ælfgifu in question. If she is the mother of Ælfwine, describing Godwinson as the man’s father (rather than his uncle) would be nearly as confused as calling Harald of Denmark an English king. In comparison, Harold Harefoot’s reign is poorly recorded in general, but at least we don’t have anything that would be an obvious outlier or error.

My second point is more important: it would not make as much sense for a son of Harold Godwinson to be so far from England in 1060 or 1062. The Godwin family was briefly exiled by Edward the Confessor in 1051, but they quickly returned to the scene and were influential in England through 1066. If Ælfwine were the son of Godwinson, it would be tough to explain why he chose to settle in southern France a full decade after his family returned to England. Were his prospects in England really that poor if he were the son of its most powerful earl?

However, it makes plenty of sense for a son of Harold Harefoot to be away from England in 1060. Harefoot had died in 1040 and was succeeded by Harthacnut (reigned 1040-42), who was so hostile to his predecessor that he had Harefoot’s body exhumed, thrown into a swamp, and tossed into the Thames. Any son of Harefoot had good reason to flee in 1040-42 given Harthacnut’s extreme hostility, and Ælfwine would have been very young at this point. It would make sense for his mother or grandmother to see that he was safely escorted away from England. Entering the church, as we know Ælfwine did, would have been another way to ensure his safety; that way, Ælfwine would have posed no serious threat to Harthacnut, Edward the Confessor, or any subsequent monarchs regarding succession, even though he did have royal blood.

As an added bonus, the detail that Ælfwine was born in London may also be relevant. Godwinson’s base of power was Wessex (although to be fair, it would hardly be surprising for the powerful earl to be in London from time to time). However, Harold Harefoot’s association with the city was strong enough that it was preserved in writing on several occasions, which is significant given the overall dearth of information about his reign. Harefoot gains some of his first support in 1035 from London’s shipmen, he is depicted as ruling from London when Alfred Ætheling is brought before him, and John of Worcester records London as Harefoot’s place of death (the earlier Anglo-Saxon Chronicle disagrees, saying Harefoot died in Oxford). Harefoot was also buried in London – twice. The London connection, while circumstantial, fits snugly if Harold Harefoot is Ælfwine’s father.

Implications for the End of Danish England

As for Ælfwine himself, what is known of him? Unfortunately, not much: Ælfwine, son of King Harold and Ælfgifu, was born in London, became prior of a monastery in Conques in 1060 or 1062, and died sometime after this. That’s almost all we can say about him. Like Edgar the Ætheling, the last member of the House of Wessex’s male line, no one bothered to commit his passing to writing – at least not anything that has survived.

However, Harold Harefoot does appear to be the most likely candidate for being Ælfwine’s father. If this is correct, it means that Cnut the Great’s direct line did not die out in 1042, as is commonly assumed, but sometime after 1062 – a very different interpretation, and one that has some significant implications for anyone studying Harold Harefoot’s reign, the Danish Conquest of England, or the Norman Conquest.

The end of Danish England may not have been as simple as Harthacnut willingly passing the throne back to a rival dynasty before dying. Harthacnut may have handed the throne to Edward the Confessor partly to ensure that the bloodline of his hated rival, Harold Harefoot, did not return to power in England.

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Emma of Normandy: A Resilient Queen

There are lots of fascinating figures being profiled at TeamQueens.org, a site run by some of the most accomplished historians in queenship studies. Team Queens puts the spotlight on queens from all kinds of eras and locations, but I was surprised that no one had yet written an article about Emma of Normandy. I inquired about contributing a piece on Emma and am thrilled to see it published on Team Queens. My article is a general overview of Emma’s life and political career that aims to highlight her remarkable ability to survive even the most hopeless situations. The deaths of both husbands, multiple exiles, multiple conquests, hostile children and step-children – you name it, Emma survived it, sometimes coming back stronger than before. 

She was one of the most important figures of early English history, living through the reigns of seven kings, and was closely involved in royal politics for nearly half a century. Emma became an anointed queen in 1002 when she married King Æthelred II of England. After Æthelred’s death in 1016 and the subsequent downfall of the English dynasty, Emma married England’s conqueror, Cnut of Denmark. A long period of influence, stability, and prosperity followed for Emma, who ranked highly in Cnut’s reign (1016-1035). In the political upheaval following Cnut’s death, Emma found herself at the center of rumors, exiles, murders, and more. Some of her hardships were due to misfortune, while others may have been her own doing, but Emma always managed to persevere.  

Love her or loathe her, there is no denying her importance and resourcefulness. I consider her the single most fascinating queen of pre-Norman England. Read all about it by checking out the article.

On a side note: I am currently taking a break from social media (Facebook and Twitter), but to those of you who continue to share my work on those platforms, I’d like to say a big thank you! Just because I’m taking a social media detox doesn’t mean I don’t want my work shared there – on the contrary, I’m thrilled whenever social media enables something I’ve written to reach a wider audience. 

I may reappear on Facebook sporadically, but for now, the best place to get in touch with me is here on this blog or on academia.edu, but please do share anything to social media if you think others will enjoy it. My site analytics allow me to see what is shared where, and I really do appreciate it.

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King Cnut’s Awkward Family Gathering? A Look at the Thorney Abbey Liber Vitae

Cover image: Royal 14 B VI, Membrane 4. An illustration of the rival branches of Cnut’s family, with Harold Harefoot’s line on the left and Harthacnut’s in the middle.

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One of the most interesting, if lesser-known, facts about Cnut the Great is that he seems to have had two wives simultaneously. After conquering England, King Cnut (ruled England 1016-35 and Denmark 1018-35) famously married the previous English queen, Emma of Normandy; however, Cnut had a prior union with an English noblewoman named Ælfgifu of Northampton that most likely dated to about 1013. Ælfgifu and Cnut already had at least two children, Swein and Harold Harefoot, by the time Cnut married Emma in 1017. Emma and Cnut went on to have a son named Harthacnut.

Emma’s opinion of her husband’s other wife is, unsurprisingly, not a flattering one. In the Encomium Emmae Reginae, a work Emma commissioned, Ælfgifu is accused of being a “concubine.”1 Modern historians, though, have not taken the Encomium’s bait about Ælfgifu being a concubine. Scholarly consensus is that Ælfgifu and Cnut had a legitimate union. Many academics go even further by pointing out that Ælfgifu does not even appear to have been repudiated or set aside when Emma entered the picture. Emma was anointed queen, whereas Ælfgifu was not, but Ælfgifu was trusted with more authority. When Cnut acquired Norway in 1030, Ælfgifu was appointed to govern it alongside their eldest son, Swein.

After Cnut and Swein’s deaths in 1035, Ælfgifu vigorously promoted the claim of her surviving son, Harold. Harold bested Emma’s son Harthacnut, after a protracted succession crisis, to become England’s next monarch. Harthacnut had to wait until Harold’s death in 1040 to take the English throne. Harthacnut, who must rank among the sorest losers of all time, celebrated his delayed accession by disinterring Harold, posthumously executing him, and throwing his corpse into the Thames.

What a happy, totally-not-dysfunctional family we have here.

It is generally assumed that Cnut kept his two wives apart. For example, between 1030-35, we can be certain that the two wives were safely separated by the North Sea.

However, a medieval document from Thorney Abbey, in the fens of England, has raised questions about whether this was always the case.

The Thorney Abbey Liber Vitae (“Book of Life”) records the names of the institution’s visitors. These names were to be included in the community’s prayers, and such books were common throughout pre-Norman England. Thorney Abbey’s Liber Vitae would not be particularly noteworthy were it not for a list of names that includes Cnut, Emma, Ælfgifu, Harold, and Harthacnut – all recorded together, as though they had visited in one party, alongside other important figures like Archbishop Æthelnoth of Canterbury and numerous earls. The visit is thought to have occurred in the 1020s.2 However, the names themselves were not copied down until about 1100.3 This late recording, as we will see, does give us some reasons to be cautious.

The Thorney Abbey Liber Vitae (folio 10r). Image from Timothy Bolton’s Cnut the Great (plate 8). The royal family’s names can be seen at the top of the left column.

These entries fly in the face of the conventional thought that Cnut must have kept his wives, and possibly the entire factions of his family, apart from one another. If they do indeed represent one large gathering, it would destroy the already dying view that Ælfgifu had been put aside.

But could it truly represent one gathering? Did Cnut wrangle the unhappy sides of his family together and pack them inside the abbey, like a modern father stuffing his children and step-children into the back of the minivan, ready for the worst road trip of his life? Did Ælfgifu and Emma cast icy glances at each other, each viewing her rival as the “other” woman? It’s all too easy to imagine Cnut encouraging everyone to set aside their differences for a few hours, knowing deep down that chaos could break loose at any moment.

To be more serious again, such a unified gathering could affect our understanding of the succession dispute between Harold and Harthacnut that erupted after Cnut’s death. If Thorney Abbey’s Liber Vitae indeed records one visit with nearly4 the entire royal family present, that means Ælfgifu and Harold were in England at least part of the time during Cnut’s reign, which would not have hurt Harold’s succession chances. More importantly, the fact that Emma and Ælfgifu are listed side by side both confirms and challenges traditional views. It confirms that Emma was the more prestigious of the two, carrying the title of queen, but it also means that Ælfgifu was prominent enough to be mentioned immediately next to her.

However, the late date of the manuscript (c.1100, recording people who visited perhaps 80 years prior) means that caution is in order, and the Liber Vitae has prompted questions from academics, a few of which I’ve paraphrased (and admittedly simplified) below:

  • How do we know this represented one visit by the royal family rather than multiple smaller visits?
  • Since Emma of Normandy also went by the English name Ælfgifu, how can we be sure that the Ælfgifu in the book is Ælfgifu of Northampton? What if it’s supposed to mean something like “Emma/Ælfgifu,” referring to one person who went by two different names?
  • Why are Harold and Harthcnut given the title “rex” (king) when they hadn’t yet assumed the throne in the 1020s?

Historians vary significantly in their interpretations of the Thorney Abbey Liber Vitae names and in their attempts to answer these questions. I will cover some of them here:

Elisabeth van Houts briefly mentions the Thorney names in her article “Cnut and William: A Comparison” and seems to take them at face value, representing one massive visit of prominent figures, similar to the one at Assandun in 1020 mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.5

M. K. Lawson, one of Cnut’s modern biographers, thinks that Emma and Ælfgifu are two separate names here. He suggests that Ælfgifu of Northampton is indeed the person being referred to as “Ælfgifu.”6

Another of Cnut’s recent biographers, Timothy Bolton, originally thought that the list described one large visit in 1020 or 1021. He has since conceded that the situation is more ambiguous: “…on reflection we might just as well conclude that multiple visits augmented the main Thorney visit.”7 Bolton is the one who questions why Harold Harefoot is given the title “rex” in 1020 or 1021.8

Pauline Stafford, a leading expert on Emma, is cautious but seems open to the possibility that Ælfgifu of Northampton is being referred to, although she questions whether “Rex Harold” is Harold Harefoot or Cnut’s brother. If it is Harold Harefoot, she wonders if he and Ælfgifu visited after 1037, when Harold was sole king.9

Ryan Lavelle writes that the list “suggests she [Ælfgifu of Northampton] had once visited there with a family group” but is highly skeptical that it means she and Emma were there at once: “it certainly should not be used as evidence that Cnut was present at Thorney with both wives at the same time.”10

Dorothy Whitelock, writing nearly 90 years ago, originated the idea that Emma and Ælfgifu could be referring to the same person here. Her line of thinking has been repeated by Bolton, who writes that it is possible that alterations or additions to the original text could mean that the surviving manuscript is corrupted or that it conflates multiple visits.11

So what is one to make of all these different views?

As for me, I have little trouble accepting that Ælfgifu of Northampton is the one being referred to here. I’m not sure she is obscure enough, or far enough out of place, to assume that the scribe must be recording a garbled reference to Emma. Ælfgifu was trusted by Cnut and is in exactly the right company with Cnut and Harold Harefoot.

Speaking of Harold Harefoot, I also think we can safely say he is the “Rex Harold” in the list. Cnut’s brother Harold, the only proposed alternative, was dead by the earliest date suggested for the royal Thorney names that I’m aware of, and he played a minimal to nonexistent role in English politics.

I’m not surprised that Harold Harefoot and Harthacnut are called “rex,” either, even if their visit(s) took place before their accessions. If the list was copied down around 1100, I would be surprised if a copyist didn’t refer to them in hindsight as kings. Thorney Abbey surely would have been eager to emphasize its connections to as many kings (or those who became kings) as it could claim.

As for whether both wives were there at once, as much as I would like to imagine the awkward scene I described earlier, Lavelle’s point is important: the list should not be used to argue conclusively that they were in the same room together. However, I also see no reason to duplicate visits more than necessary. What are the chances that Thorney Abbey would have been independently visited by three consecutive monarchs (Cnut, Harold, and Harthacnut), for example, especially considering that the latter two only reigned for a few years? I would err on the side of simplicity here. One massive visit in the 1020s or two visits would be sufficient.

Perhaps Cnut, Emma, and Harthacnut visited together in the 1020s and Harold Harefoot and Ælfgifu of Northampton visited together c.1035-40. However, there is still a chance that all these people visited Thorney together, ranked (with the benefit of hindsight) in the Liber Vitae in order of seniority: the kings Cnut, Harold Harefoot, and Harthacnut, the anointed queen Emma, and the royal wife Ælfgifu. We can’t know for sure. But maybe – just maybe – it was the medieval world’s most awkward family gathering.

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Notes

1 Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. Alistair Campbell and Simon Keynes (Cambridge University Press, 1998), 41.

2 Timothy Bolton “Ælfgifu of Northampton: Cnut the Great’s Other Woman,” (Nottingham Medieval Studies LI, 2007): 247-68; 262. Pauline Stafford, Queen Emma & Queen Edith: Queenship and Women’s Power in the Eleventh Century (Blackwell Publishers, 1997), 233.

3 Bolton “Ælfgifu,” 262. Ryan Lavelle, Cnut: The North Sea King (Allen Lane, 2017), 52. M.K. Lawson, Cnut: England’s Viking King 1016-35 (The History Press, 2011), 123. Dorothy Whitelock “Scandinavian Personal Names in the Liber Vitae of Thorney Abbey,” in Saga Book 12 (Viking Society for Northern Research, 1937-45): 127-53; 129.

4 One notable omission from the royal family is Swein, the eldest son. The ASC records that one of Cnut’s sons by Ælfgifu was sent to Denmark as a hostage in 1023, but doesn’t specify which. Lavelle (p. 50-51) leans toward Swein, as Harold could have been too young, and Swein’s absence from the Liber Vitae roster may be another clue that supports this idea. This idea runs into some chronological difficulties if we accept 1020 or 1021 as the date for the Thorney visit, however. In any case, Swein is notably absent.

5 Elisabeth van Houts, “Cnut and William: A Comparison” in Conquests in Eleventh-Century England: 1016, 1066 (The Boydell Press, 2020): 65-84; 67-68.

6 Lawson, 123-24.

7 Bolton, Cnut the Great (Yale University Press, 2019), 136 note 26.

8 Bolton, Cnut, 136.

9 Stafford, Queen Emma, 233. Note 105 for “Rex Harold.”

10 Lavelle, Cnut, 52. Brackets mine.

11 Bolton, Cnut, 136. Whitelock, 131.

The Death and Exhumation of Harold Harefoot

Cover image: Harold Harefoot depicted in a genealogical roll of English monarchs with (what else?) a hare. From BL Royal 14 B VI.

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Perhaps no royal body suffered a fate worse than that of Harold I, otherwise known as Harold Harefoot. Harold died on this day (March 17th) in 1040. His body was exhumed several months after his death and, depending on which source you consult, was thrown into a fen, thrown into the Thames, publicly beheaded, or some combination of these. This was the act of Harthacnut, Harold’s successor and half-brother, who obviously had little love for his predecessor. After this, Harold (or at least part of him) was fished out and honorably re-buried by those willing to defy Harthacnut. In any case, the sources more broadly agree that Harold’s corpse was exhumed and dishonorably disposed of – a shocking way to treat a royal body.

A little background on Harold: he was the third ruler from the Danish dynasty of English kings, sometimes called the house of Knýtlinga (meaning the house of Cnut’s descendants). This dynasty ruled England from 1013-14 and from 1016-42. After a protracted succession dispute between Harold and his half-brother Harthacnut, Harold emerged victorious. He ruled over England for five years, from 1035-40, and I have discussed his interesting accession and reign in more detail for The Historian Circle (view the original here, or view and download it from academia.edu).

The Death and Burial of Harold I

Harold was not a well man, though. Despite coming to power at a young age – possibly as early as his late teens – he would not enjoy a long life. His debilitating illness was written into a document from his reign, which records that Harold was “so very sick that he lay in despair of his life,” in Oxford while somehow still managing to conduct official business.i He died on March 17, 1040 in Oxford. He was probably in his mid-20s at the oldest.

Oxford was the site of his death, but his body was to be interred in London. His corpse was carried for sixty miles and laid to rest in Westminster Monastery, a predecessor of Westminster Abbey. The decision to inter Harold in London is an interesting one, considering that many previous English monarchs (including his father) were buried in Winchester, while others were interred in Glastonbury Abbey (Edmund I, Edgar, and Edmund II). London makes more sense when considering the events of Harold’s life, though. After his father died, Harold faced stiff opposition in Wessex and the south, which was more favorable to Harthacnut. It is possible that Harold never enjoyed overwhelming support there, even after he became king.

Where a monarch was buried said a lot about how they wished to be remembered. Cnut, for example, had needed to work hard to show himself as a legitimate “English” monarch after his conquest in 1016. Accordingly, Winchester was his burial site – a traditional location for a West Saxon king. On the other hand, Harold’s grandfather, Swein Forkbeard, supposedly wished to be buried in Denmark rather than England because he knew he was hated by the English. Perhaps Harold similarly wished to be buried someplace where he could be remembered fondly, rather than hatefully, and that London was the most prestigious site that fit the bill. It had, after all, given him much support in 1035 when its fleets declared their allegiance to him, and it is one of the few places specifically mentioned as a location for his court.

Aside from his possible lack of supporters in Wessex, Harold may have eschewed a Winchester burial for other reasons. Unlike his father, Harold had no need to show himself as an overtly English king. He was the third monarch from his line to rule England, and it is telling that in 1035, the succession dispute was between Harold and Harthacnut, not between them and any claimants from the old West Saxon dynasty. A West Saxon burial was not needed to memorialize Harold’s status as a “real English king” – that was already inherent. In other words, after two decades of Danish rule, it was obvious that a son of Cnut would rule the English.ii The only question had been which one.

Harold was not the first monarch to be interred in London, though. A seventh-century king named Sebba was buried in St. Paul’s Cathedral, for example. More recently, Æthelred II had been interred there in 1016, perhaps more out of practicality than anything – the city was under siege at the time – but it had also been fiercely loyal to him in his most desperate moments. Æthelred’s body was laid to rest in St. Paul’s Cathedral, but Harold’s was taken to Westminster.iii It is possible that St. Paul’s was an ill-fitting place for Harold given that Æthelred and his family had been nothing but hostile toward him and his kin: Æthelred had killed or mutilated many of Harold’s relatives in 1006, while Æthelred’s son Alfred died during an ill-advised incursion against Harold in 1036. Burying Harold alongside Æthelred was probably not a wise choice for those who wished to honor Harold’s memory, so perhaps that is one reason Westminster was chosen rather than St. Paul’s.

Occasionally royal bodies were translated to new sites or lost to time; overall, though, nothing particularly noteworthy should have happened to Harold’s body after this. But this is just where things start to get interesting.

With Harold dead, Harthacnut would get another shot at the throne that he thought was rightfully his. In the minds of Harthacnut and his mother, Queen Emma, Harold was an unjust usurper. Emma commissioned a work called the Encomium Emmae Reginae at about this time, which portrays Harold as a wicked, tyrannical apostate – accusations that don’t line up well with other early evidence, which suggests Harold was actually a conventionally pious and largely hands-off ruler.iv But the point here is not about Harold’s alleged personality flaws, but that Emma and Harthacnut loathed Harold. Emma had also been exiled by Harold in 1037, giving her one more reason to oppose him. She is the only member of the English political establishment that Harold is known to have punished.

Harthacnut arrived in England several weeks after Harold’s death, near midsummer, armed with over 60 ships. His mighty fleet sent an intimidating message to his new subjects, but it also hints at the new king’s insecurity. How welcome would he be in a kingdom that had recently driven his mother into exile and chosen Harold Harefoot over him?

The Grisly Exhumation of Harold Harefoot

Harthacnut soon made it clear to everyone that he had no respect for Harold. He ordered that his half-brother’s body be exhumed from Westminster. John of Worcester, writing in the twelfth century, even claims that Harthacnut had some of Harold’s chief supporters take part in the exhumation: Harold’s main supporter, Earl Leofric, and Harold’s steward, Styr, are named among those tasked with digging up Harold’s corpse. The most significant among them was Earl Godwin, who had originally supported Harthacnut but then switched to Harold and allegedly even killed Alfred Ætheling (the rival claimant from the old West Saxon dynasty) for Harold’s benefit. It’s unclear how seriously we should take John of Worcester’s late and surprisingly specific roster of gravediggers, but it is true that Harold’s supporters now found themselves in a tight spot. One story even has Godwin presenting Harthacnut with a spectacular ship to smooth things over.

Once Harold’s body was out of its tomb in Westminster, it was intended for a watery grave. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle says that Harthacnut had the body thrown into a fen, while John of Worcester says it was thrown into a fen and then the Thames, and William of Malmesbury says that only Harold’s head was tossed in the Thames (according to William, Harold’s corpse had been executed just prior to this). Whatever the exact chronology, this was a disturbing event for those who had to witness it. It’s true that medieval people were more intimately involved in burial rituals than we are today. That said, it’s clear that Harold’s exhumation was viewed as disgusting and inappropriate. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for example, names it as the final entry in a list of Harthacnut’s bad decisions. The Encomium, which often attempts to spin more negative events, makes no attempt with Harold’s exhumation and disposal – it is simply omitted. Apparently it was too distasteful for even the encomiast to salvage. Modern historian Nicole Marafioti even points out in The King’s Body that at this point, with Harold dead for months and being exhumed in the summer, the body may have been in an advanced state of decomposition that only sped up when exposed to the humid summer air.

Why would Harthacnut do such a thing? The Encomium says that Harthacnut was deeply moved by Alfred’s death during his incursion of 1036, when Alfred had been captured and blinded by forces loyal to Harold, so was Harold’s exhumation a way to avenge Alfred Ætheling? While the Encomium is hoping to build a picture of unity – Emma’s son by Æthelred aligning with her son by Cnut – it’s unlikely that Harthacnut and Alfred had ever met. It’s also hard to imagine that Harthacnut had overwhelming sympathy for an older half-brother whose claims could be used against his own – he already had one of those in Harold!

While we cannot rule out some level of sympathy for Alfred, the exhumation was primarily a political move designed to frame Harold as a false king and de-legitimize his lawful accession to the throne. Painting Harold as a false king had the additional benefit of neutralizing the claim of his son Ælfwine, who went into exile at some point and became an abbot on the Continent.v Removing Harold from consecrated ground also had implications for Harold’s soul, since a consecrated resting place was seen as “a step toward salvation.”vi This is an even more extreme action than Harold (or Godwin, acting for his benefit) had taken against Alfred. Alfred was blinded and later died of his wounds, and this punishment allowed for the possibility of repentance before death. Only the Encomium claims that Alfred’s death was immediate, perhaps to make Harold seem more ruthless than he really was.vii Alfred was laid to rest at Ely Monastery.

On the other hand, Harold’s posthumous removal from an honorable site associated him with the most deviant members of society, such as criminals and pagans. Harthacnut and his mother obviously shared the view that Harold was an outlaw of a king whose reign had been illegitimate. Harthacnut would have seen similar exhumations and spectacles in Denmark, but this was not something an English monarch was supposed to do or be subjected to.viii

St. Clement Danes and the Fate of Harold’s Body

Amazingly, there is one final twist to this story. Harold’s body, according to John of Worcester, was rescued from its fate and reburied with honor in another London church. John says that the corpse was retrieved from the Thames by the “the Danes” and buried in their cemetery in London. William of Malmesbury reports a similar story, saying that a fisherman caught Harold’s head in his net and that it was buried in London’s Danish cemetery. Whether the entire body or just the head was retrieved, the more significant point is that some Londoners viewed the disposal of Harold’s body as so disgraceful that they took immediate action and defied their new king. By placing Harold in a cemetery (John specifically says this was done “honorably”), these Londoners had restored some dignity to their former king and possibly even helped his cause in the afterlife.

Another twelfth-century chronicler, Ralph de Diceto, clarifies that Harold’s London reburial was in “St. Clement’s,” today known as St. Clement Danes. Ralph would have been particularly well-informed on this matter given that he was a canon at St. Paul’s, which is just a short walk from St. Clement Danes. The name of the church also provides an obvious link to John and William’s accounts, which specifically state that Harold was laid to rest in a “Danish” church or cemetery. While the modern church of St. Clement Danes does mention Harold Harefoot on their website, there is unfortunately no modern memorial or plaque in his honor.

So, with St. Clement Danes solidified as Harold’s final resting place, is there any chance that Harold’s remains are still there? Could Harold Harefoot, like Richard III, be discovered under a car park? It is unlikely. Harold would most likely have been buried in the church’s crypt or somewhere else inside the church, perhaps near its altar. St. Clement Danes does have a crypt, but the church has been significantly refurbished at least twice since Harold’s internment. It was first rebuilt in the reign of William I. This version of the church survived the Great Fire of London in 1666, but was in such a state of disrepair that it was rebuilt by Christopher Wren anyway.

More recently, the church was bombed in the blitz and was refurbished in the 1950s, giving us the modern version of St. Clement Danes. The modern church also stands on a traffic island, with nearly all of the surrounding area (which could have included parts of the early medieval cemetery) built over. This is less of an issue for Harold, who probably would be interred much closer to (or within) the church, but with so many rebuilds (and a bombing!), there is a lower chance that any recognizable remains from the eleventh century have survived. To make matters more complicated, the modern crypt was cleared out in the 1800s and its grisly soup of human remains was allegedly so foul that it would extinguish the candles of anyone who tried to enter. Today, the crypt is cleaned out and is used as a chapel.

In summary, anything left of Harold’s body (which may have already been in a state of advanced decay in the summer of 1040) was probably disturbed or cleared out at some point. Even if the intact skeleton of an eleventh-century, 20-something year-old Anglo-Scandinavian male were located in or around the church, this would be interesting, but not conclusive. It would only prove that the church called “Danes” did indeed have Danes in it. It would take a genetic link to definitively prove it was Harold.

So, unfortunately, it does seem unlikely that anything recognizable remains of the third Danish king of England. However, perhaps a small modern marker or plaque would be a fitting way to honor the memory of the only king interred in St. Clement Danes. I do hope that the church adds one in the coming years.

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Notes

i This document is known as S 1467 and can be accessed here.

ii This point was recently made by Levi Roach on the Talking History Podcast, “The Life and Times of Cnut the Great,” and I think it’s highly relevant here (at 40:40).

iii Nicole Marafioti, The King’s Body: Burial and Succession in Late Anglo-Saxon England (University of Toronto Press, 2014), 107.

iv Brandon M. Bender, “Harold I ‘Harefoot’: A Reassessment,” The Historian Circle (2022).

v W. H. Stevenson, “An Alleged Son of Harold Harefoot,” English Historical Review 28 (1913): 112-17.

vi Marafioti, 148.

vii Marafioti, 131.

viii Marafioti, 144-60.

Edgar the Ætheling: A Case Study in Medieval Exile

A few months ago, I had the pleasure of contributing to Epoch Magazine’s sixth issue, which is themed around medieval travel and food. Epoch is affiliated with Lancaster University and has a wide range of articles that strike a good balance between readability and scholarship.

My article is about Edgar the Ætheling (“throne-worthy”), a figure best known for his minor role in the events of 1066, but who went on to live a long and eventful life full of adventures. Edgar had the best claim to the throne in 1066, but was bypassed by Harold Godwinson and then overpowered by William the Conqueror. After 1066, though, he was an exile, a diplomat, a solider, a kingmaker, a pilgrim, a prisoner, and more. Click here to read my article about the life of this fascinating medieval traveler.

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New Publication! Æthelred the Unready and William of Malmesbury

Above: Richard Kiley portrays King Æthelred in The Ceremony of Innocence, one of the many depictions examined in the article.  

I’m very pleased to announce the publication of my first peer-reviewed journal article. The article, titled “Æthelred the Unready and William of Malmesbury: The Death of a Reputation,” appears in volume 34 of The Year’s Work in Medievalism, released August 5th, 2021.

The article surveys portrayals of Æthelred II in popular culture, the majority of which depict him negatively — he is variously a coward, drunkard, weakling, or all of the above. Most of this material can be traced back to the medieval chronicler William of Malmesbury, who was writing well after Æthelred had died. Why did William’s account become so common? How does it compare to earlier or alternate medieval views of the king? And finally, is there any hope for Æthelred in mass media, or is he doomed to play the fool forever? I explore all of these questions in the article.

The paper is open access, meaning anyone can read it in its entirety for free or download it:

Access on The Year’s Work in Medievalism

Access on Academia.edu

My First Citation

A couple milestones: my book has been cited in an academic journal for the first time; this is also the first time I’ve been mentioned in another author’s acknowledgments. Considering that 80% of academic writing in the humanities is never cited, not even once, I’m very fortunate. It’s mentioned in an article in The Archaeological Journal about English defenses against the vikings.

The paper is called “The late tenth-century defences of Oxford and the towers of St George and St Michael” and is written by archaeologist Jeremy Haslam.